Archive 2007

July - December
Le dossier
An important innovation at Sciences Po: the European Programme on Central and Eastern Europe in Dijon
Lukas Macek - Director of the Programme
The Dijon-based Sciences Po European Undergraduate Programme on Central and Eastern Europe was founded in 2001. It is a very special place, certainly unique in France, maybe even in Europe. Small classes of highly motivated and rigorously selected students coming from France and from several Central and Eastern European countries work together, in a spirit of European openness of mind. They are confronted with the strong academic requirements that are at the basis of Sciences Po reputation, and get familiarised with the fundamentals of social sciences, with a special focus on the European Union in the post-enlargement context.

Conceived by Sciences Po as a contribution to the shaping of new generations of European decision-makers, the programme serves a double purpose through a cross-fertilising process of learning. On the one hand, French students discover the specificity of Central and Eastern Europe – in particular, by learning one of the region’s languages – and adjust to a broader vision of Europe; on the other hand, Central and Eastern European students are trained to use French methods of argumentation and expression...Read more

- La Pologne (2004 - 2006), by Iwona Biernat - Alice Legras - Nina Sahraoui - Sara Zohry

- La société civile serbe, by Aleksandra Babovic

- L’Union Européenne en tant que moteur de la modernisation de la Roumanie, by Claudia Droc

- Le développement économique de la Bulgarie depuis 1997, by Dominique Lasseur

- L’opinion publique et la société civile en Slovaquie, by Dana Huranova

- L’évolution de l’opinion publique bulgare depuis le début des années 2000, by Denitza Petrov

- La République Tchèque (2004-2006), by Thibaut Alquier, Nina Danielowitzová, Aleksander Leicht, Rodérick Skowronek, Lucie Štembírková

May - June
Le dossier
Regulating Lobbying in the European Union
Edited by Cornelia Woll
Democratic governance and accountability have become priorities for the European Union in the context of persistant eurosceptisme and the constitutional crisis in 2005. The explicit goal of the Commission headed by José Manuel Barroso is to bring EU politics closer to its citizens and to fight its negative image as a bureaucratic and elitist political system. Transparency, accountability and communication are therefore crucial elements upon which rests the legitimacy of the supranational institutions. At the initiative of Siim Kallas, commissioner in charge of administration, audit and anti-fraud, a working group consisting of Margot Wallström, Siim Kallas, Danuta Hübner and Mariann Fischer Boel has elaborated a European Transparency Initiative in 2005 that aims at fixing ethic guidelines for European policy-making. On May 3rd 2006, the European Commission published a “Green Paper on a European Transparency Initiative” to initiate a public debate.

The proposal focuses on three interrelated issues in the prevention of fraud and corruption: (1) the availability of information on those who benefit from European funding, (2) ethical norms applying to public officials in Brussels and (3) the regulation of lobbying activities. The European Transparency Initiative is thus a first comprehensive framework that attempts to regulate the contacts between public and private actors. In the following, this dossier traces the origins of the initiative and evaluates its potential effectiveness...Read more

- L’Initiative européenne pour la transparence : Quelle réglementation pour le lobbying à Bruxelles ? by Cornelia Woll

- « Organized civil society » as a legitimate partner in the European Union by Sabine Saurugger

- The Alter-EU Movement and European Governance by Richard Balme and Didier Chabanet

- The Transparency Initiative – Barking up the Wrong Tree? by Irina Michalowitz

March - April
Le dossier
How Many Nuclear Submarines?
French Defence Policy on the Eve of Presidential Elections

edited by Bastien Irondelle
The controversy about the number of nuclear-powered submarines France has (4 nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines and 6 nuclear-powered attack submarines) notwithstanding, there is no better moment than the election of the head of state, who is commander-in-chief of the armed forces, to take stock of the country’s defence policy. Moreover, the next government has no choice but to prepare a new military programming law rapidly, which means modifying the French army model. The government will have to draft a new white paper on defence the previous one dates back to 1994 reassessing the linkages between defence policy, foreign policy and European policy, since France will have the Presidency of Europe in 2008.

The purpose of this special report is not to outline the current state of affairs and debates, or lack of debate among presidential candidates who all agree on the status-quo. Rather, the aim is to shed light on the major defence policy areas, by offering the reader an analysis of the main issues at stake and putting in perspective noteworthy transformations in French defence: nuclear deterrence, European defence policies, evolution of the industrial context, human resources, and budgetary dynamics... Read more

- La politique de défense française : effort financier et choix budgétaire by Martial Foucault

- Industrie de défense : un positionnement à trouver by Martial Foucault and Renaud Bellais

- La politique de défense est-elle a-politique? by Bastien Irondelle

- Les enjeux actuels de la politique des ressources humaines des armées françaises by Jean Joana

- "Show us the Way Forward, Astérix" Europe Needs the French Involvement in EDSP by Claudia Major and Christian Mölling

- A Comparison Between US, UK And French Nuclear Policies And Doctrines by Bruno Tertrais

 

January - February
Le dossier
Russia 2007. Major Issues at Stake in a Time of Tension and Uncertainty
edited by Marie Mendras
Two main issues dominate Russian politics: Vladimir Putin’s succession and national identity. Declined in various forms and tones in the official discourse and in the media, these two issues have the upper hand at the expense of other crucial questions like urgently needed social policies. The very popular theme of gas and oil power is also often considered in terms of the « After Putin » question and in relation to the rebirth of Russian power and the construction of a “national idea”. 

Russian media, in particular television channels and some major newspapers, undergo increased control. Nevertheless, the impression of stability and relative adherence of Russian society to the Putin regime is not as strong as before. This is mainly due to the uncertainty created by the December 2007 legislative elections and the March 2008 presidential election. Political commentators and journalists endlessly discuss “The Succession” and wonder whether Russia can afford to let the president leave the scene and proceed to an unpromising post-Putin era. “Will there be chaos after Putin ?” is the haunting question overemphasized by commentators and politicians.  Russian people therefore live in a climate of tension and uncertainty despite the economic upturn.

Political and economical tensions are real. Those who hold power positions in public administrations are directly connected to major energy and industrial companies. The presidential succession is not only a question of change of leader and team in the Kremlin, it may also jeopardize a vast and complex network of personal and corporatist interests which depend on the Putin galaxy. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, head of Yukos, was arrested in October 2003 just before the legislative elections, at a time of increasing pressure on all independent political and economical actors. Pressure is even stronger in 2006-2007. The assassination of the leading journalist and opponent Anna Politkovskaya on 7 October 2006 was the most tragic illustration of tension and infightings within factions.  The building of a strong national identity reached a climax in the fall of 2006 when the Russian government waged a war of nerves against Georgia and the Georgians of Russia. The image of the enemy is linked to the idea of « identity », artificially built on various alleged threats inside and outside the national territory.

The articles compiled below shed new light on these problems. The first three issues of the CERI’s new publication, Les Cahiers Russie/The Russia Papers deal with three different themes but meet on the critique of democratic regression, manipulation of minds and institutions, and on the widening of the gap between countries such as Russia and Belarus and their European neighbors, in political and economic behavior.

As a tribute to Yuri Levada, the renowned Russian sociologist who passed away in November 2006, we collected a few French translations of his works.
Yuri Levada and Anna Politkovskaya were our friends, and precious fellow Russia watchers. They made remarkable conferences at the Observatoire de la Russie at CERI. This special issue of our website is dedicated to them

Les Cahiers Russie / The Russia Papers

- Vladimir Putin and The Russian Television "Family"
by Floriana Fossato
- Biélorussie 2006. Manipulation électorale dans une dictature post-soviétique by Jean-Charles Lallemand
- Religion et "idée nationale" dans la Russie de Poutine by Alexandre Verkhovski

Deux regards sur la Russie

- "Imitation Russia" (links) by Lilia Shevtsova
- "Russia: 2006 - A Year Of Muscle And Missteps" (links) by Claire Bigg

Hommage à Iouri Levada

- Hommage à Iouri Levada by Marie Mendras
- L’alliance opportuniste de Vladimir Poutine et George W. Bush by Iouri Levada and Marie Mendras
- Rupture de générations en Russie by Iouri Levada
- Les Russes se sentent-ils libres de ne pas choisir ? De Eltsine à Poutine (1991-2004) by Iouri Levada

Hommage à Anna Politkovskaïa

- Anna Politkovskaïa by Marie Mendras
- Douloureuse Russie, Journal d’une femme en colère by Anna Politkovskaïa
- Anna Politkovskaïa : la liberté d'expression assassinée en Russie ? by Marie Mendras, Chat le Monde