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- La montagne
et la liberté, ou Pourquoi les civilisations ne savent pas grimper
by James C. Scott
Hills and freedom, or Why civilizations can’t
climb hills
In
Southeast Asian societies, a cultural and political gap separates the
so-called “hill tribes” from people living in the valleys, even though
one can easily demonstrate the constant exchanges that have taken place between
these two peoples over centuries. These exchanges result from two logics.
The first, centripetal, stems from the fact that the valley kingdoms seek to
populate their territories through the acquisition of slaves (wars are fought
to capture people more than territory). The second, centrifugal, owes to the
fact that the plains populations, often pushed by the rapacity of functionaries
or colonizers, sought refuge in the hills. If civilizations do not know how
to climb, this is not only, as Braudel remarked, because geography complicates
the task; it is also because people “climb” hills in order to escape them.
- Pour une organisation
mondiale du commerce
by Patrick Allard
For a worldwide organization
of trade
The crises of 1997-1998 have subtly undermined the
foundations of the global system of exchange by reactivating individual
states’ preoccupations with economic security. The WTO’s responses
are marked by fragility. Moreover, the failure of the Seattle conference
increased distrust of free exchange in both public opinion and among
leaders of various countries. The latter often reacted frenetically
by signing a torrent of preferential regional agreements, often containing
absurd clauses, the proliferation of which seems hardly apt to promote
the progression of free trade on a global scale. Indeed, this splintering
of the world trade landscape could even negatively affect political
relations between states.
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Économie politique
du fédéralisme
edited by Bruno
Théret
- Fédéralisme,
stabilisation monétaire et démocratisation au Brésil
by Lourdes Sola and Eduardo
Kugelmas
Federalism, monetary stabilization and democratization
in Brazil
The
democratic transition in Brazil has been followed by rampant inflation,
the causes of which are not only economic in nature. The federal
structure
of the country and the fact that democratization, which began at the
level of the federated states, was slow to reach the center were
also
important factors. For a long time, the various states made great gains from
their relative autonomy, which was most important with respect to monetary
policy due to the absence of a truly centralized monetary authority. Likewise,
stabilization, which involved the concentration of monetary power in
the central bank, succeeded largely for political reasons: exasperated
with hyperinflation, the voters were no longer swayed by populism;
and, astutely, President Cardoso made use of the electoral calendar
to bring the state governments into line.
- La solidarité
sociale dans le pacte fédéral canadien. Histoire d’une crise et de son
dénouement
by Bruno Théret
The Welfare State in the Canadian federal
pact. The history of a crisis and its conclusion
In
1994-1995, the Canadian federal government engaged in profound liberalization
reforms of its social programs, claiming this as a necessary adaptation
to globalization. Both the vehemence and the form of the federated
provinces’ reaction, which had recourse or threatened recourse to
inter-provincialism, demonstrated that a central nerve of the federal
pact had been struck. However, the emergence of a “social union” of
Anglophone provinces also gave new impetus to the development of
an asymmetric multinational federalism in Canada. But the crisis,
which had unsettled the federal pact in ways that surpass the longstanding
protestations of Quebec, was finally resolved in a way that showed
that the Canadian federalism endowed its welfare state with a strong
capacity for resistance to Americanization.
- Différenciation
régionale et fédéralisme budgétaire en Russie
by Jacques Sapir
Regional differentiation and
budgetary federalism in Russia
From 1992 to 1998, Russia underwent a process of
regional economic differentiation that proved to be a real danger,
threatening disintegration. The main cause of this was the policy
of state retreat practiced by the central authorities (following
the counsel of Western creditors) which undermined the legitimacy
of centralized public action. The 1998 crisis was beneficial insofar
as it brought this catastrophic course to light, and brought forth
that the question of transfers and central public expenditures are
at the heart of the national pact. The state began spending (although
modestly) once again and honoring its financial engagements. The
necessary re-centralization is under way. The reforms introduced
by Putin are in keeping with this line of action, even though resistance
is considerable.
- Du « gouvernement
économique » au gouvernement tout court. Vers un fédéralisme à
l’européenne
par Robert Boyer et Mario Dehove
From “economic government” to
simply government. Towards European federalism
The
idea of endowing the European Union with an economic government is
justified now that the Union’s duties are less directed at coordination
at the legislative level (the functioning of the single market) than
at the executive level (the definition of economic policy). But
a “need for government” is also evident in other domains of European
integration (social, military, domestic security), which is expressed
by the chaotic blossoming of procedures and ad hoc informal
organizations. In reality, the question faced by the Union is simply
that of government. Can one hope that the present dynamic will spontaneously
converge towards a coherent institutional apparatus? Or must the
Union be given, once and for all, a center of public action that
no single state has yet been able to do without, whose form would
be compatible with its unprecedented political structure?
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